Wednesday, September 22, 2021

How Big of an Opportunity are Democrats (and Joe Manchin) Wasting Right Now?

Senators Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Joe Manchin (D-WV)
Provocative thoughts on Twitter are, to put it mildly, probably not something you should keep in mind when you consider political articles.  Twitter is the "id" of the internet, where the worst ideas & the worst instincts & the worst fears you harbor come pouring out, oftentimes with foolish results.  But a recent tweet from G. Elliott Morris, a political writer for The Economist, got me thinking.  Morris wrote "Not sure of the precise probability, but I think R's win Congress 2022, D's don't get unified control back again until 2036 is very high, maybe even > 0.5, and Dems are going to regret not blowing up the filibuster, passing redistricting reform,  & adding states for a looong (sic) time."  Morris got a more provocative response from San Francisco Elections Commissioner Charlotte Hill who replied "2036 is generous.  It's possible D's never get it back."

These are two statements that are pretty easy to dismiss out-of-hand as being too bold, but I think they have merit.  You can quibble about the odds, but Democrats are at the very least not favored to win the House next year.  A combination of "the president's party suffers in midterms" and Republicans' ability to gerrymander in a dozen or so consequential southern states makes the Democrats underdogs to hold the House, even if you are willing to concede that the Democrats might be able to hold the Senate.

The Senate, though, is a harder sell in the future.  Let's say that the Democrats lose the House next year, possibly by a 10-12 seat margin, but due to drawing a solid hand either are 50-50 or 51-49 in the Senate, keeping a slim majority.  They head into 2024 with a rough deck against them.  Democrats have to defend seats in three states that Donald Trump won in 2024 by a sizable margin (WV/MT/OH), as well as defend a number of states that Joe Biden barely won (WI/PA/AZ/MI/NV).  Meanwhile the Republicans really only have Florida & Texas to defend, both of which are tough reaches for the Democrats (certainly tougher than any of the states I just listed).  Unless the Democrats can get out of the 2022 midterms with 52 seats (or better), there's a decent chance that the Republicans have the Senate after that, even if the Democrats could grab the White House for another term or retake the House.

Things get worse after that.  Unless the Democrats can start to convert a place like North Carolina & Texas, they essentially have to run the table in all elections going forward for the Senate, which means beating Susan Collins in 2026 (which they have had zilch luck in doing), and not letting anything slip going forward in places like Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, or Arizona.  Even if they can maintain that balancing act, the House will be a reach again in 2026, particularly with gerrymandered maps to contend with (and that's assuming that the Democrats won it back in the first place-it might just be lost for the decade if R's draw well & Democrats don't press their luck in Maryland, Illinois, New Mexico, & New York).  And by 2028, we'll have had eight years of Democrats in the White House-just ask Al Gore & Hillary Clinton how well the country reacted to such a situation.  When you look at it this way, Morris's allegations are correct-2036 might be their next chance.

Which makes it all the more frustrating for progressives that they aren't doing more with this time-in-power.  After all, the Democrats could conceivably pass voting reforms to make life easier on them the next decade, or at least fairer.  You could pass voting rights reforms, making it simpler to vote (though honestly that's the least of the issues facing the Democrats right now even if it gets the most attention).  You could pass sweeping gerrymandering reforms, which would heavily blunt the Republicans' advantages in a number of states like Texas, Florida, Tennessee, Missouri, & Utah, where they otherwise will be slicing up the Democrats' seats.  

And these are just the reforms heavily discussed.  Had they been proactive, they could have made this a LOT easier on themselves.  Chief amongst their opportunities could have been passing the Wyoming Rule, which could've made it a lot easier to gain districts in growing metropolitan areas across the country (and it would have downplayed the importance of small red states in the House)-it also would've put more value on winning larger states in the electoral college, which is going to increasingly be a problem for Democrats in coming years.  They could have made DC & Puerto Rico states, helping to combat their inherent disadvantage in the Senate & the electoral college.  They could've implemented judicial reforms (either federal term limits or increasing the size of the Courts) to make up for decades of Republican advantages nationally.  And these are just the electoral reforms (forget about the countless other issue bills they could have passed, potentially making them more popular with voters in the process, or in the case of climate change, saving the planet).

This is a missed opportunity, and every day that goes by is another sign that the Democrats don't understand that this is a moment-in-time that might not come again for another generation.  Hill's statement is hard to suss out on-its-surface (it's hard to tell how much she's factoring in Republicans' using their power to increase their stranglehold in states like Texas & Florida), but it's worth noting that she has history on her side.  From 1933 to 1996, a 62-year-time frame, the Republicans held control of the White House, Senate, & House for precisely two years: 1953-55, during the first two years of the Eisenhower administration.  I'm not saying that's the Democrats' fate, but what I am saying is that the deck is already heavily stacked against the Democrats, and this might be their last time to draw an ace.  It's criminal that they aren't exploring one of the many ways they could try to actually win the game in the coming twenty years of federal elections.

3 comments:

AV said...

John, great analysis as usual. I agree with most of your content. Indeed, as Obama would say, I wish Democrats like Manchin, Sinema and Schrader would use the “awesome powers of their offices” to get, say, more funding for their states’ infrastructures rather than go for a pipe dream of bipartisanship.
Where I disagree, though, is about how you’ve framed the 2024 Senate races. I know that in theory, it’s easier for Rs to win MI/PA/WI than it is for Ds to win FL/TX. But, in application, I think Baldwin, Casey, and Stabenow are all much stronger incumbents than Cruz and Scott. I doubt any of those three will retire (Stabenow could, I guess, but I’ll wager that she’ll run one more time in 2024), and they all have strong brand recognition. I think it’s much more likely that Casey outruns Biden (or Harris, if Biden retires and Casey’s not the VP nominee) than Cruz outruns the GOP nominee. Yes, Cruz and Scott most recently won their [re-]elections during a blue wave year, but that doesn’t factor in Texas’s changing demographics or the presidential election that can bring a greater turnout. I think it’s not impossible for Cruz to lose even as the GOP carries Texas at the presidential level, if the Democrats have a strong nominee (even though the last time such a situation happened was with Ted Stevens). Overall, I’d think it’s easier to be one of those three Rust Belt Democrats than one of those two Sun Belt Republicans (and Sinema, too, may get lucky, depending on how badly the GOP screws up in 2022, as that will tell us if they still have what it takes to win statewide in the now-purple state).
Lastly, while Ohio and Montana will be tough holds, I can easily see Brown and Tester outrunning the Democratic nominee as Collins did with Trump. Both have strong brand recognition, and Tester’s always beaten statewide-elected Republicans (even Rehberg, who pollsters favored). While I agree that WV is a gone case (unless Democrats get Heitkamp-level luck, which I doubt), I think their chances are still good in the two aforementioned states.
But, overall, good analysis. Looking forward to the next one!

John T said...

Thank you so much-I appreciate the support (and the comment!). I see your point on the MI/PA/WI holds, though I guess my thought is this on these seats-Cruz & Scott were able to hold on during blue wave years, and Scott in particular, should've lost-he was against a sitting incumbent, and on-paper Florida should be competitive, but consistently Republicans come up short, and the divergent politics of Miami-Dade make it increasingly difficult for Florida Democrats to know where to spend their money. Texas has shifting demographics, but I still wonder if by 2024 if they'll be in the "Arizona in 2016" or "Georgia in 2018" phase where the Republicans come out on top, but there are canaries in the coal mine. Conversely, both Pennsylvania & Wisconsin have sitting Republican senators, indicating more of a willingness in their states to endorse the other party, and all three were closer carries for Biden than TX/FL were for Trump. I think you're correct on Stabenow being the easiest win of the bunch, though a lackluster reelection for both she & Peters in their last at-bat's makes me wonder if there's less enthusiasm around these specific candidates than their elections records may indicate. But I do agree (on paper) that all five of them would start out as prohibitive favorites, and there's a scenario where at least one of the Democrats ends up cruising to reelection even if the state is competitive on a presidential level due to personal goodwill.

In terms of Ohio & Montana, I think it's less a problem of them outrunning Biden (or Harris), and more a problem of how much they'll outrun them by. I think they'll be able to outrun Biden, potentially by 8-10 points, but they'll probably need more than that. Susan Collins did it, but most people haven't been able to pull that off (we saw that with not just incumbents like Cory Gardner & Martha McSally, but also with the numerous failed challengers who outdid Biden in 2020 like Greenfield & Bollier...or in the House someone like Collin Peterson). I think it will become increasingly a challenge to pull that kind of hat trick off. Neither Brown nor Tester is DOA in the way Manchin is (I don't see a way he wins in 2024, no matter how much money you throw into that race nor how moderate he is), but I think they start their contests needing a flawed Republican challenger & a bit of luck. Either way, I don't think it's wise for the Democrats looking ahead to the 119th Congress to count on them as being their path to a majority (they're better off trying to score victories in PA/WI/NC next year).

AV said...

No problem! Whenever I see your tweets with the political analyses, it gives me something to look forward to during the day.
Indeed, the 2024 class is not one Democrats should depend on. I can see Brown holding on with an 8-10 lead (provided Democrats can still get 43-45% of the vote at the presidential level), but yes, Tester will need more than that since Montana's trend is not going to be fast enough for 2024. Scott might be a harder knock than Cruz, given the latter's notoriety (good for funding) and the former coming from a state that seems to constantly go narrowly for his party (and no demographic shift to cut the margin).
Hopefully, Democrats score those victories in 2022 and can also get some more work done. Sinema and Manchin seem to be the Nelson (NE) and Lieberman of Biden's first term, so we could use the numbers.